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'''Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi'''  (2 October 1869 – 30 January 1948) was a major political and spiritual leader of [[India]].  He is often given credit for the creation of the Indian nation, and is seen as the 'father of India' in the media, but played only a small role in its creation, and is over-revered by Indians.  
'''Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi'''  (2 October 1869 – 30 January 1948) was a major political and spiritual leader of [[India]].  He is often given credit for the creation of the Indian nation, and is seen as the 'father of India' in the media, but played only a small role in its creation, and is over-revered by Indians.  
==Early life==


Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi<ref>Gandhi means "grocer" in Gujarati (''L. R. Gala, Popular Combined Dictionary, English-English-Gujarati & Gujarati-Gujarati-English, Navneet''), or "perfumer" in Hindi (''Bhargava's Standard Illustrated Dictionary Hindi-English'').</ref> was born in [[Porbander]], a coastal town in present-day [[Gujarat]], Western India, on October 2, [[1869]].  His father, Karamchand Gandhi, who belonged to the [[Hindu]] [[Modh]] community, was the ''Diwan'' (Prime Minister) of the eponymous Porbandar, a small princely state in the Kathiawar Agency of British Raj.  His mother, Putlibai, who came from the Hindu Pranami [[Vaishnava]] community, was Karamchand's fourth wife, the first three wives having apparently died in childbirth. Growing up with a devout mother and the [[Jainism|Jain]] traditions of the region, the young Mohandas absorbed early the influences that would play an important role in his adult life; these included compassion to sentient beings, vegetarianism, fasting for self-purification, and mutual tolerance between individuals of different creeds.
He was born in Porbander, a coastal town in present-day [[Gujarat]], Western India, on October 2, [[1869]].  His father, Karamchand Gandhi, who belonged to the [[Hindu]] [[Modh]] community, was the ''Diwan'' (Prime Minister) of the eponymous Porbandar, a small princely state in the Kathiawar Agency of British Raj.  His mother, Putlibai, who came from the Hindu Pranami [[Vaishnava]] community, was Karamchand's fourth wife, the first three wives having apparently died in childbirth. In May 1883, the 13-year old Mohandas was married to 14-year old Kasturba Gandhi


In May 1883, the 13-year old Mohandas was married to 14-year old Kasturba Gandhi (her first name was usually shortened to "Kasturba," and affectionately to "Ba") in an arranged marriage child marriage, as was the custom in the region.<ref name=autobio-wedding>{{Harvnb|Gandhi|1940|pp=5–7}}</ref>  However, as was also the custom of the region, the adolescent bride was to spend much time at her parents' house, and away from her husband. In 1885, when Gandhi was 15, the couple's first child was born, but survived only a few days; earlier that year, Gandhi's father, Karamchand Gandhi, had passed away.<ref>{{Harvnb|Gandhi|1940|pp=20–22}}</ref> Mohandas and Kasturbai were to have four more children, all sons: Harilal Gandhi, born in 1888; Manilal Gandhi, born in 1892; Ramdas Gandhi, born in 1897; and Devdas Gandhi,born in 1900.  At both his middle school in Porbandar and high school in Rajkot, Gandhi remained an average student academically.  He passed the Matriculation for Samaldas College at Bhavnagar, [[Gujarat]], with some difficulty, and while there, was unhappy, in part, because his family wanted him to become a barrister.
In South Africa, Gandhi faced discrimination directed at Indians. Initially, he was thrown off a train at Pietermaritzburg, after refusing to move from the first class to a third class coach while holding a valid first class ticket.  
On 4 September 1888, less than a month shy of his nineteenth birthday, Gandhi traveled to London, England, to study law at [[University College London]] and to train as a [[barrister]].  His time in London, the Imperial capital, was influenced by a vow he had made to his mother in the presence of the Jain monk Becharji, upon leaving India, to observe the Hindu precepts of abstinence from meat, alcohol, and promiscuity. Although Gandhi experimented with adopting "English" customs—taking dancing lessons for example—he could not stomach his landlady's mutton and cabbage. She pointed him towards one of London's few vegetarian restaurants. Rather than simply go along with his mother's wishes, he read about, and intellectually embraced [[vegetarianism]]. He joined the [[Vegetarian Society]], was elected to its executive committee, and founded a local chapter. He later credited this with giving him valuable experience in organizing institutions. Some of the vegetarians he met were members of the [[Theosophical Society]], which had been founded in 1875 to further universal brotherhood, and which was devoted to the study of [[Buddhist]] and [[Hindu]]  literature. They encouraged Gandhi to read the ''[[Bhagavad Gita]]''. Not having shown a particular interest in religion before, he read works of and about [[Hinduism]], [[Christianity]], [[Buddhism]], [[Islam]] and other religions. He returned to India after being called to the [[bar association|bar]] of [[England and Wales]] by [[Inner Temple]], but had limited success establishing a law practice in [[Bombay]]. Later, after applying and being turned down for a part-time job as a high school teacher, he ended up returning to Rajkot to make a modest living drafting petitions for litigants, but was forced to close down that business as well when he ran afoul of a British officer. In his autobiography, he describes this incident as a kind of unsuccessful lobbying attempt on behalf of his older brother. It was in this climate that (in 1893) he accepted a year-long contract from an Indian firm to a post in [[KwaZulu-Natal Province|Natal]], [[South Africa]], then part of the British Empire.


==Civil rights movement in South Africa (1893–1914)==
In 1906, after the British introduced a new poll-tax, Zulus in South Africa killed two British officers. The British declared a war against the Zulus, in retaliation. Gandhi actively encouraged the British to recruit Indians. He argued that Indians should support the war efforts in order to legitimize their claims to full citizenship. The British, however, refused to offer Indians positions of rank in their military. However, they accepted Gandhi's offer to let a detachment of Indians volunteer as a stretcher bearer corps to treat wounded British soldiers.


In 1915, Gandhi returned from South Africa to live in India. He spoke at the conventions of the Indian National Congress, but was primarily introduced to Indian issues, politics and the Indian people by Gopal Krishna Gokhale, a respected leader of the Congress Party at the time.


In South Africa, Gandhi faced discrimination directed at Indians. Initially, he was thrown off a train at Pietermaritzburg, after refusing to move from the first class to a third class coach while holding a valid first class ticket. Traveling further on by stagecoach, he was beaten by a driver for refusing to travel on the foot board to make room for a European passenger. He suffered other hardships on the journey as well, including being barred from many hotels. In another of many similar events, the magistrate of a Durban court ordered him to remove his [[turban]], which Gandhi refused. These incidents have been acknowledged as a turning point in his life, serving as an awakening to contemporary social injustice and helping to explain his subsequent social activism. It was through witnessing firsthand the racism, prejudice and injustice against Indians in South Africa that Gandhi started to question his people's status within the British Empire, and his own place in society.
Gandhi extended his original period of stay in South Africa to assist Indians in opposing a bill to deny them the right to vote. Though unable to halt the bill's passage, his campaign was successful in drawing attention to the grievances of Indians in South Africa. He founded the Natal Indian Congress in 1894, and through this organization, he molded the Indian community of South Africa into a homogeneous political force. In January 1897, when Gandhi returned from a brief trip to India, a white mob attacked and tried to lynch him. In an early indication of the personal values that would shape his later campaigns, he refused to press charges against any member of the mob, stating it was one of his principles not to seek redress for a personal wrong in a court of law.
In 1906, the Transvaal government promulgated a new Act compelling registration of the colony's Indian population. At a mass protest meeting held in Johannesburg on September 11 that year, Gandhi adopted his still evolving methodology of [[satyagraha]] (devotion to the truth), or non-violent protest, for the first time, calling on his fellow Indians to defy the new law and suffer the punishments for doing so, rather than resist through violent means. This plan was adopted, leading to a seven-year struggle in which thousands of Indians were jailed (including Gandhi), flogged, or even shot, for striking, refusing to register, burning their registration cards, or engaging in other forms of non-violent resistance. While the government was successful in repressing the Indian protesters, the public outcry stemming from the harsh methods employed by the South African government in the face of peaceful Indian protesters finally forced South African General [[Jan Christiaan Smuts]] to negotiate a compromise with Gandhi. Gandhi's ideas took shape and the concept of [[Satyagraha]] matured during this struggle.
==Role in Zulu War of 1906==
{{Main|Bambatha Rebellion}}
In 1906, after the British introduced a new poll-tax, [[Zulu]]s in South Africa killed two British officers. The British declared a war against the Zulus, in retaliation. Gandhi actively encouraged the British to recruit Indians. He argued that Indians should support the war efforts in order to legitimize their claims to full citizenship. The British, however, refused to offer Indians positions of rank in their military. However, they accepted Gandhi's offer to let a detachment of Indians volunteer as a stretcher bearer corps to treat wounded British soldiers. This corps was commanded by Gandhi. On July 21, 1906, Gandhi wrote in ''Indian Opinion'' -"The corps had been formed at the instance of the Natal Government by way of experiment, in connection with the operations against the Natives consists of twenty three IndiansGandhi urged the Indian population in South Africa to join the war through his columns in ''Indian Opinion'' -“If the Government only realized what reserve force is being wasted, they would make use of it and give Indians the opportunity of a thorough training for actual warfare.
'''In South Africa, Gandhi encouraged the use of war, which involved violence, which is contrary to popular belief.'''
In his words, "Even the half-castes and kaffirs, who are less advanced than we, have resisted the government. The pass law applies to them as well, but they do not take out passes".
==Struggle for Indian Independence (1916–1945)==
{{See also|Indian Independence Movement}}
In 1915, Gandhi returned from South Africa to live in India. He spoke at the conventions of the [[Indian National Congress]], but was primarily introduced to Indian issues, politics and the Indian people by [[Gopal Krishna Gokhale]], a respected leader of the Congress Party at the time.
===Champaran and Kheda===
{{Main|Champaran and Kheda Satyagraha}}
[[Image:Gandhi Kheda 1918.jpg|right|thumb|Gandhi in 1918, at the time of the Kheda and Champaran satyagrahas.]]
Gandhi's first major achievements came in 1918 with the [[Champaran]] agitation and ''Kheda Satyagraha'', although in the latter it was [[Indigo plant|indigo]] and other cash crops instead of the food crops necessary for their survival. Suppressed by the militias of the landlords (mostly British), they were given measly compensation, leaving them mired in extreme poverty. The villages were kept extremely dirty and [[Hygiene|unhygienic]]; and alcoholism, [[dalit|untouchability]] and [[purdah]] were rampant. Now in the throes of a devastating famine, the British levied an oppressive tax which they insisted on increasing. The situation was desperate. In [[Kheda]] in [[Gujarat]], the problem was the same. Gandhi established an [[ashram]] there, organizing scores of his veteran supporters and fresh volunteers from the region. He organized a detailed study and survey of the villages, accounting for the atrocities and terrible episodes of suffering, including the general state of degenerate living. Building on the confidence of villagers, he began leading the clean-up of villages, building of schools and hospitals and encouraging the village leadership to undo and condemn many social evils, as accounted above.
Gandhi's first major achievements came in 1918 with the [[Champaran]] agitation and ''Kheda Satyagraha'', although in the latter it was [[Indigo plant|indigo]] and other cash crops instead of the food crops necessary for their survival. Suppressed by the militias of the landlords (mostly British), they were given measly compensation, leaving them mired in extreme poverty. The villages were kept extremely dirty and [[Hygiene|unhygienic]]; and alcoholism, [[dalit|untouchability]] and [[purdah]] were rampant. Now in the throes of a devastating famine, the British levied an oppressive tax which they insisted on increasing. The situation was desperate. In [[Kheda]] in [[Gujarat]], the problem was the same. Gandhi established an [[ashram]] there, organizing scores of his veteran supporters and fresh volunteers from the region. He organized a detailed study and survey of the villages, accounting for the atrocities and terrible episodes of suffering, including the general state of degenerate living. Building on the confidence of villagers, he began leading the clean-up of villages, building of schools and hospitals and encouraging the village leadership to undo and condemn many social evils, as accounted above.


Revision as of 07:55, 13 July 2008

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (2 October 1869 – 30 January 1948) was a major political and spiritual leader of India. He is often given credit for the creation of the Indian nation, and is seen as the 'father of India' in the media, but played only a small role in its creation, and is over-revered by Indians.

He was born in Porbander, a coastal town in present-day Gujarat, Western India, on October 2, 1869. His father, Karamchand Gandhi, who belonged to the Hindu Modh community, was the Diwan (Prime Minister) of the eponymous Porbandar, a small princely state in the Kathiawar Agency of British Raj. His mother, Putlibai, who came from the Hindu Pranami Vaishnava community, was Karamchand's fourth wife, the first three wives having apparently died in childbirth. In May 1883, the 13-year old Mohandas was married to 14-year old Kasturba Gandhi

In South Africa, Gandhi faced discrimination directed at Indians. Initially, he was thrown off a train at Pietermaritzburg, after refusing to move from the first class to a third class coach while holding a valid first class ticket.

In 1906, after the British introduced a new poll-tax, Zulus in South Africa killed two British officers. The British declared a war against the Zulus, in retaliation. Gandhi actively encouraged the British to recruit Indians. He argued that Indians should support the war efforts in order to legitimize their claims to full citizenship. The British, however, refused to offer Indians positions of rank in their military. However, they accepted Gandhi's offer to let a detachment of Indians volunteer as a stretcher bearer corps to treat wounded British soldiers.

In 1915, Gandhi returned from South Africa to live in India. He spoke at the conventions of the Indian National Congress, but was primarily introduced to Indian issues, politics and the Indian people by Gopal Krishna Gokhale, a respected leader of the Congress Party at the time.

Gandhi's first major achievements came in 1918 with the Champaran agitation and Kheda Satyagraha, although in the latter it was indigo and other cash crops instead of the food crops necessary for their survival. Suppressed by the militias of the landlords (mostly British), they were given measly compensation, leaving them mired in extreme poverty. The villages were kept extremely dirty and unhygienic; and alcoholism, untouchability and purdah were rampant. Now in the throes of a devastating famine, the British levied an oppressive tax which they insisted on increasing. The situation was desperate. In Kheda in Gujarat, the problem was the same. Gandhi established an ashram there, organizing scores of his veteran supporters and fresh volunteers from the region. He organized a detailed study and survey of the villages, accounting for the atrocities and terrible episodes of suffering, including the general state of degenerate living. Building on the confidence of villagers, he began leading the clean-up of villages, building of schools and hospitals and encouraging the village leadership to undo and condemn many social evils, as accounted above.

But his main impact came when he was arrested by police on the charge of creating unrest and was ordered to leave the province. Hundreds of thousands of people protested and rallied outside the jail, police stations and courts demanding his release, which the court reluctantly granted. Gandhi led organized protests and strikes against the landlords, who with the guidance of the British government, signed an agreement granting the poor farmers of the region more compensation and control over farming, and cancellation of revenue hikes and its collection until the famine ended. It was during this agitation, that Gandhi was addressed by the people as Bapu (Father) and Mahatma (Great Soul). In Kheda, Sardar Patel represented the farmers in negotiations with the British, who suspended revenue collection and released all the prisoners. As a result, Gandhi's fame spread all over the nation.

Non-cooperation

Main article: Non-cooperation movement

Gandhi employed non-cooperation, non-violence and peaceful resistance as his "weapons" in the struggle against British. In Punjab, the Jallianwala Bagh massacre of civilians by British troops (also known as the Amritsar Massacre) caused deep trauma to the nation, leading to increased public anger and acts of violence. The Jallianwala Bhag Ghallughar took place on Vaisakhi, when people were peacefully celebrating the holiday in Amritsar. Gandhi used this religious day to his advantage disrespectfuly and criticized both the actions of the British Raj and the retaliatory violence of Indians/Punjabis He authored the resolution offering condolences to British civilian victims and condemning the riots, which after initial opposition in the party, was accepted following Gandhi's emotional speech advocating his principle that all violence was evil and could not be justified


World War II and Quit India

Main article: Quit India Movement
File:Mahadev Desai and Gandhi 2 1939.jpg
Mahadev Desai (left) reading out a letter to Gandhi from the viceroy at Birla House, Bombay, April 7, 1939

World War II broke out in 1939 when Nazi Germany invaded Poland. Initially, Gandhi had favored offering "non-violent moral support" to the British effort, but other Congressional leaders were offended by the unilateral inclusion of India into the war, without consultation of the people's representatives. All Congressmen elected to resign from office en masse.[1] After lengthy deliberations, Gandhi declared that India could not be party to a war ostensibly being fought for democratic freedom, while that freedom was denied to India itself. As the war progressed, Gandhi intensified his demand for independence, drafting a resolution calling for the British to Quit India. This was Gandhi's and the Congress Party's most definitive revolt aimed at securing the British exit from Indian shores.[2]

File:Nehruwithgandhi1942.jpg
Jawaharlal Nehru sitting next to Gandhi at the AICC General Session, 1942

Gandhi was criticized by some Congress party members and other Indian political groups, both pro-British and anti-British. Some felt that opposing Britain in its life or death struggle was immoral, and others felt that Gandhi wasn't doing enough. Quit India became the most forceful movement in the history of the struggle, with mass arrests and violence on an unprecedented scale.[3] Thousands of freedom fighters were killed or injured by police gunfire, and hundreds of thousands were arrested. Gandhi and his supporters made it clear they would not support the war effort unless India were granted immediate independence. He even clarified that this time the movement would not be stopped if individual acts of violence were committed, saying that the "ordered anarchy" around him was "worse than real anarchy." He called on all Congressmen and Indians to maintain discipline via ahimsa, and Karo Ya Maro ("Do or Die") in the cause of ultimate freedom.


Freedom and partition of India

Main article: Partition of India

Gandhi advised the Congress to reject the proposals the British Cabinet Mission offered in 1946, as he was deeply suspicious of the grouping proposed for Muslim-majority states—Gandhi viewed this as a precursor to partition. However, this became one of the few times the Congress broke from Gandhi's advice (though not his leadership), as Nehru and Patel knew that if the Congress did not approve the plan, the control of government would pass to the Muslim League. Between 1946 and 1948, over 5,000 people were killed in violence. Gandhi was vehemently opposed to any plan that partitioned India into two separate countries. An overwhelming majority of Muslims living in India, side by side with Hindus and Sikhs, were in favour of Partition[citation needed]. Additionally Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the leader of the Muslim League, commanded widespread support in Punjab, Sindh, North-West Frontier Province and East Bengal[citation needed]. The partition plan was approved by the Congress leadership as the only way to prevent a wide-scale Hindu-Muslim civil war. Congress leaders knew that Gandhi would viscerally oppose partition, and it was impossible for the Congress to go ahead without his agreement, for Gandhi's support in the party and throughout India was strong. Gandhi's closest colleagues had accepted partition as the best way out, and Sardar Patel endeavoured to convince Gandhi that it was the only way to avoid civil war. A devastated Gandhi gave his assent.

He conducted extensive dialogue with Muslim and Hindu community leaders, working to cool passions in northern India, as well as in Bengal. Despite the Indo-Pakistani War of 1947, he was troubled when the Government decided to deny Pakistan the Rs. 55 crores due as per agreements made by the Partition Council. Leaders like Sardar Patel feared that Pakistan would use the money to bankroll the war against India. Gandhi was also devastated when demands resurged for all Muslims to be deported to Pakistan, and when Muslim and Hindu leaders expressed frustration and an inability to come to terms with one another.[4] He launched his last fast-unto-death in Delhi, asking that all communal violence be ended once and for all, and that the payment of Rs. 55 crores be made to Pakistan. Gandhi feared that instability and insecurity in Pakistan would increase their anger against India, and violence would spread across the borders. He further feared that Hindus and Muslims would renew their enmity and precipitate into an open civil war. After emotional debates with his life-long colleagues, Gandhi refused to budge, and the Government rescinded its policy and made the payment to Pakistan. Hindu, Muslim and Sikh community leaders, including the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and Hindu Mahasabha assured him that they would renounce violence and call for peace. Gandhi thus broke his fast by sipping orange juice.[5]

Assassination

On January 30, 1948, Gandhi was shot and killed while having his nightly public walk on the grounds of the Birla Bhavan (Birla House) in New Delhi. The assassin, Nathuram Godse, was a Hindu radical with links to the extremist Hindu Mahasabha, who held Gandhi responsible for weakening India by insisting upon a payment to Pakistan.[6] Godse and his co-conspirator Narayan Apte were later tried and convicted; they were executed on 15 November 1949. Gandhi's memorial (or Samĝdhi) at Rĝj Ghĝt, New Delhi, bears the epigraph "Hē Ram", (Devanagari: हे ! राम or, He Rĝm), which may be translated as "Oh God". These are widely believed to be Gandhi's last words after he was shot, though the veracity of this statement has been disputed.[7] Jawaharlal Nehru addressed the nation through radio:

Friends and comrades, the light has gone out of our lives, and there is darkness everywhere, and I do not quite know what to tell you or how to say it. Our beloved leader, Bapu as we called him, the father of the nation, is no more. Perhaps I am wrong to say that; nevertheless, we will not see him again, as we have seen him for these many years, we will not run to him for advice or seek solace from him, and that is a terrible blow, not only for me, but for millions and millions in this country.[8]

Gandhi's ashes were poured into urns which were sent across India for memorial services. Most were immersed at the Sangam at Allahabad on 12 February 1948 but some were secreted away.[9] In 1997, Tushar Gandhi immersed the contents of one urn, found in a bank vault and reclaimed through the courts, at the Sangam at Allahabad.[9][10] On 30 January 2008 the contents of another urn were immersed at Girgaum Chowpatty by the family after a Dubai-based businessman had sent it to a Mumbai museum.[9] Another urn has ended up in a palace of the Aga Khan in Pune[9] (where he had been imprisoned from 1942 to 1944) and another in the Self-Realization Fellowship Lake Shrine in Los Angeles.[11] The family is aware that these enshrined ashes could be misused for political purposes but does not want to have them removed because it would entail breaking the shrines.[9]

Gandhi's principles

Template:See also


Experiments with Brahmacharya

Towards the end of his life, it became known to public knowledge that Gandhi had been sharing his bed for a number of years with young women.[12][13] He explained that he did this for bodily warmth at night and termed his actions as "nature cure". Later in his life he started experimenting with brahmacharya in order to test his self control. His letter to Birla in April, 1945 referring to ‘women or girls who have been naked with me’ indicates that several women were part of his experiments.[14] Sex became the most talked about subject matter by Gandhi after ahimsa (non-violence) and increasingly so in his later years. He devoted five full editorials in Harijan discussing the practice of brahmacharya.[15]

As part of these experiments, he initially slept with his women associates in the same room but at a distance. Afterwards he started to lie in the same bed with his women disciples and later took to sleeping naked alongside them .[14] According to Gandhi active-celibacy meant perfect self control in the presence of opposite sex. Gandhi conducted his experiments with a number of women such as Abha, the sixteen year old wife of his grand-nephew Kanu Gandhi. Gandhi acknowledged “that this experiment is very dangerous indeed”, but thought “that it was capable of yielding great results”.[16] His nineteen year old grand-niece, Manu Gandhi, too was part of his experiments. Gandhi had earlier written to her father, Jaisukhlal Gandhi, that Manu had started to share his bed so that he may "correct her sleeping posture".[16] In Gandhi’s view experiment of sleeping naked with Manu in Noakhali would help him in contemplating upon Hindu-Muslim unity in India before partition and ease communal tensions. Gandhi saw himself as a mother to these women and would refer to Abha and Manu as “my walking sticks”.

Gandhi called Sarladevi, a married woman with children and a devout follower, his “spiritual wife”. He later said that he had come close to having sexual relations with her.[17] He had told a correspondent in march, 1945 that “sleeping together came with my taking up of bramhacharya or even before that”; he said he had experimented with his wife “but that was not enough”.[16] Gandhi felt satisfied with his experiments and wrote to Manu that “I have successfully practiced the eleven vows taken by me. This is the culmination of my striving for last thirty six years. In this yajna I got a glimpse of the ideal truth and purity for which I have been striving”.

Gandhi had to take criticism for his experiments by many of his followers and opponents. His stenographer, R.P. Parasuram, resigned when he saw Gandhi sleeping naked with Manu.[18] Gandhi insisted that he never felt aroused while he slept beside her, or with Sushila or Abha. “I am sorry” Gandhi said to Parasuram, “you are at liberty to leave me today”. Nirmal Kumar Bose, another close associate of Gandhi, parted company with him in April, 1947 post Gandhi’s tour of Noakhali, where some sort of altercation had taken place between Gandhi and Sushila Nayar in his bedroom at midnight that caused Gandhi to slap his forehead. Bose had stated that the nature of his experiments in bramhacharya still remained unknown and unstated.[18][19]

N.K. Bose, who stayed close to Gandhi during his Noakhali tour, testified that “there was no immorality on part of Gandhi. Moreover Gandhi tried to conquer the feeling of sex by consciously endeavouring to convert himself into a mother of those who were under his case, whether men or women”. Dattatreya Balkrishna Kalelkar, a revolutionary turned disciple of Gandhi, used to say that Gandhi’s “relationships with women were, from beginning to end, as pure as mother’s milk”.[20]


Faith

Gandhi was born a Hindu and practised Hinduism all his life, deriving most of his principles from Hinduism. As a common Hindu, he believed all religions to be equal, and rejected all efforts to convert him to a different faith. He was an avid theologian and read extensively about all major religions. He had the following to say about Hinduism:

"Hinduism as I know it entirely satisfies my soul, fills my whole being...When doubts haunt me, when disappointments stare me in the face, and when I see not one ray of light on the horizon, I turn to the Bhagavad Gita, and find a verse to comfort me; and I immediately begin to smile in the midst of overwhelming sorrow. My life has been full of tragedies and if they have not left any visible and indelible effect on me, I owe it to the teachings of the Bhagavad Gita."
File:Gandhi Smriti.jpg
Gandhi Smriti (The house Gandhi lodged in the last 4 months of his life has now become a monument, New Delhi)

Gandhi wrote a commentary on the Bhagavad Gita in Gujarati. The Gujarati manuscript was translated into English by Mahadev Desai, who provided an additional introduction and commentary. It was published with a Foreword by Gandhi in 1946.[21][22]

Gandhi believed that at the core of every religion was truth and love (compassion, nonviolence and the Golden Rule). He also questioned hypocrisy, malpractices and dogma in all religions and was a tireless social reformer. Some of his comments on various religions are:

"Thus if I could not accept Christianity either as a perfect, or the greatest religion, neither was I then convinced of Hinduism being such. Hindu defects were pressingly visible to me. If untouchability could be a part of Hinduism, it could but be a rotten part or an excrescence. I could not understand the raison d'etre of a multitude of sects and castes. What was the meaning of saying that the Vedas were the inspired Word of God? If they were inspired, why not also the Bible and the Koran? As Christian friends were endeavouring to convert me, so were Muslim friends. Abdullah Sheth had kept on inducing me to study Islam, and of course he had always something to say regarding its beauty." (source: his autobiography)
"As soon as we lose the moral basis, we cease to be religious. There is no such thing as religion over-riding morality. Man, for instance, cannot be untruthful, cruel or incontinent and claim to have God on his side."
"The sayings of Muhammad are a treasure of wisdom, not only for Muslims but for all of mankind."

Later in his life when he was asked whether he was a Hindu, he replied:

"Yes I am. I am also a Christian, a Muslim, a Buddhist and a Jew."

In spite of their deep reverence to each other, Gandhi and Rabindranath Tagore engaged in protracted debates more than once. These debates exemplify the philosophical differences between the two most famous Indians at the time. On 15 January 1934, an earthquake hit Bihar and caused extensive damage and loss of life. Gandhi maintained this was because of the sin committed by upper caste Hindus by not letting untouchables in their temples (Gandhi was committed to the cause of improving the fate of untouchables, referring to them as Harijans, people of Krishna). Tagore vehemently opposed Gandhi's stance, maintaining that an earthquake can only be caused by natural forces, not moral reasons, however repugnant the practice of untouchability may be.[23]


Ideals and criticisms

Gandhi's rigid ahimsa implies pacifism, and is thus a source of criticism from across the political spectrum.

Concept of partition

As a rule, Gandhi was opposed to the concept of partition as it contradicted his vision of religious unity.[24] Of the partition of India to create Pakistan, he wrote in Harijan on 6 October 1946:

[The demand for Pakistan] as put forth by the Moslem League is un-Islamic and I have not hesitated to call it sinful. Islam stands for unity and the brotherhood of mankind, not for disrupting the oneness of the human family. Therefore, those who want to divide India into possibly warring groups are enemies alike of India and Islam. They may cut me into pieces but they cannot make me subscribe to something which I consider to be wrong [...] we must not cease to aspire, in spite of [the] wild talk, to befriend all Moslems and hold them fast as prisoners of our love.[25]

However, as Homer Jack notes of Gandhi's long correspondence with Jinnah on the topic of Pakistan: "Although Gandhi was personally opposed to the partition of India, he proposed an agreement...which provided that the Congress and the Moslem League would cooperate to attain independence under a provisional government, after which the question of partition would be decided by a plebiscite in the districts having a Moslem majority."[26]

These dual positions on the topic of the partition of India opened Gandhi up to criticism from both Hindus and Muslims. Muhammad Ali Jinnah and contemporary Pakistanis condemned Gandhi for undermining Muslim political rights. Vinayak Damodar Savarkar and his allies condemned Gandhi, accusing him of politically appeasing Muslims while turning a blind eye to their atrocities against Hindus, and for allowing the creation of Pakistan (despite having publicly declared that "before partitioning India, my body will have to be cut into two pieces").[27] This continues to be politically contentious: some, like Pakistani-American historian Ayesha Jalal argue that Gandhi and the Congress' unwillingness to share power with the Muslim League hastened partition; others, like Hindu nationalist politician Pravin Togadia have also criticized Gandhi's leadership and actions on this topic, but indicating that excessive weakeness on his part led to the division of India.

Gandhi also expressed his dislike for partition during the late 1930s in response to the topic of the partition of Palestine to create Israel. He stated in Harijan on 26 October 1938:

Several letters have been received by me asking me to declare my views about the Arab-Jew question in Palestine and persecution of the Jews in Germany. It is not without hesitation that I venture to offer my views on this very difficult question. My sympathies are all with the Jews. I have known them intimately in South Africa. Some of them became life-long companions. Through these friends I came to learn much of their age-long persecution. They have been the untouchables of Christianity [...] But my sympathy does not blind me to the requirements of justice. The cry for the national home for the Jews does not make much appeal to me. The sanction for it is sought in the Bible and the tenacity with which the Jews have hankered after return to Palestine. Why should they not, like other peoples of the earth, make that country their home where they are born and where they earn their livelihood? Palestine belongs to the Arabs in the same sense that England belongs to the English or France to the French. It is wrong and inhuman to impose the Jews on the Arabs. What is going on in Palestine today cannot be justified by any moral code of conduct.[28][29]

Rejection of violent resistance

Gandhi also came under some political fire for his criticism of those who attempted to achieve independence through more violent means. His refusal to protest against the hanging of Shaheed Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev, Udham Singh and Rajguru were sources of condemnation among some parties.[30][31]

Of this criticism, Gandhi stated, "There was a time when people listened to me because I showed them how to give fight to the British without arms when they had no arms...but today I am told that my non-violence can be of no avail against the [Hindu–Moslem riots] and, therefore, people should arm themselves for self-defense."[32]

He continued this argument in a number of articles reprinted in Homer Jack's The Gandhi Reader: A Sourcebook of His Life and Writings. In the first, "Zionism and Anti-Semitism," written in 1938, Gandhi commented upon the 1930s persecution of the Jews in Germany within the context of Satyagraha. He offered non-violence as a method of combating the difficulties Jews faced in Germany, stating,

If I were a Jew and were born in Germany and earned my livelihood there, I would claim Germany as my home even as the tallest Gentile German might, and challenge him to shoot me or cast me in the dungeon; I would refuse to be expelled or to submit to discriminating treatment. And for doing this I should not wait for the fellow Jews to join me in civil resistance, but would have confidence that in the end the rest were bound to follow my example. If one Jew or all the Jews were to accept the prescription here offered, he or they cannot be worse off than now. And suffering voluntarily undergone will bring them an inner strength and joy...the calculated violence of Hitler may even result in a general massacre of the Jews by way of his first answer to the declaration of such hostilities. But if the Jewish mind could be prepared for voluntary suffering, even the massacre I have imagined could be turned into a day of thanksgiving and joy that Jehovah had wrought deliverance of the race even at the hands of the tyrant. For to the God-fearing, death has no terror.[33]

Gandhi was highly criticized for these statements and responded in the article "Questions on the Jews" with "Friends have sent me two newspaper cuttings criticizing my appeal to the Jews. The two critics suggest that in presenting non-violence to the Jews as a remedy against the wrong done to them, I have suggested nothing new...what I have pleaded for is renunciation of violence of the heart and consequent active exercise of the force generated by the great renunciation.[34] He responded to the criticisms in "Reply to Jewish Friends"[35] and "Jews and Palestine."[36] by arguing that "What I have pleaded for is renunciation of violence of the heart and consequent active exercise of the force generated by the great renunciation."[34]

Gandhi's statements regarding Jews facing the impending Holocaust have attracted criticism from a number of commentators.[37] Martin Buber, himself an opponent of a Jewish state, wrote a sharply critical open letter to Gandhi on February 24, 1939. Buber asserted that the comparison between British treatment of Indian subjects and Nazi treatment of Jews was inapposite; moreover, he noted that when Indians were the victims of persecution, Gandhi had, on occasion, supported the use of force.[38]

Gandhi commented upon the 1930s persecution of the Jews in Germany within the context of Satyagraha. In the November 1938 article on the Nazi persecution of the Jews quoted above, he offered non-violence as a solution:

The German persecution of the Jews seems to have no parallel in history. The tyrants of old never went so mad as Hitler seems to have gone. And he is doing it with religious zeal. For he is propounding a new religion of exclusive and militant nationalism in the name of which any inhumanity becomes an act of humanity to be rewarded here and hereafter. The crime of an obviously mad but intrepid youth is being visited upon his whole race with unbelievable ferocity. If there ever could be a justifiable war in the name of and for humanity, a war against Germany, to prevent the wanton persecution of a whole race, would be completely justified. But I do not believe in any war. A discussion of the pros and cons of such a war is therefore outside my horizon or province. But if there can be no war against Germany, even for such a crime as is being committed against the Jews, surely there can be no alliance with Germany. How can there be alliance between a nation which claims to stand for justice and democracy and one which is the declared enemy of both?"[39][40]

Early South African articles

Some of Gandhi's early South African articles are controversial. On 7 March, 1908, Gandhi wrote in the Indian Opinion of his time in a South African prison: "Many of the native prisoners are only one degree removed from the animal and often created rows and fought among themselves."[41] Gandhi also wrote: "Kaffirs are as a rule uncivilised — the convicts even more so. They are troublesome, very dirty and live almost like animals."[42] Writing on the subject of immigration in 1903, Gandhi commented: "We believe as much in the purity of race as we think they do... We believe also that the white race in South Africa should be the predominating race."[43] Gandhi gave a speech on 26 September 1896 in which he referred to the "raw kaffir, whose occupation is hunting and whose sole ambition is to collect a certain number of cattle to buy a wife with, and then pass his life in indolence and nakedness".[44] It is worth noting that during Gandhi's time, the term Kaffir had a different connotation than its present-day usage. Remarks such as these have led some to accuse Gandhi of racism.[45]

Two professors of history who specialize in South Africa, Surendra Bhana and Goolam Vahed, examined this controversy in their text, The Making of a Political Reformer: Gandhi in South Africa, 1893–1914. (New Delhi: Manohar, 2005).[46] They focus in Chapter 1, "Gandhi, Africans and Indians in Colonial Natal" on the relationship between the African and Indian communities under "White rule" and policies which enforced segregation (and, they argue, inevitable conflict between these communities). Of this relationship they state that, "the young Gandhi was influenced by segregationist notions prevalent in the 1890s."[47] At the same time, they state, "Gandhi's experiences in jail seemed to make him more sensitive to their plight...the later Gandhi mellowed; he seemed much less categorical in his expression of prejudice against Africans, and much more open to seeing points of common cause. His negative views in the Johannesburg jail were reserved for hardened African prisoners rather than Africans generally."[48]

Former President of South Africa Nelson Mandela is a follower of Gandhi,[49] despite efforts in 2003 on the part of Gandhi's critics to prevent the unveiling of a statue of Gandhi in Johannesburg.[45] Bhana and Vahed commented on the events surrounding the unveiling in the conclusion to The Making of a Political Reformer: Gandhi in South Africa, 1893–1914. In the section "Gandhi's Legacy to South Africa," they note that "Gandhi inspired succeeding generations of South African activists seeking to end White rule. This legacy connects him to Nelson Mandela...in a sense Mandela completed what Gandhi started."[50] They continue by referring to the controversies which arose during the unveiling of the statue of Gandhi.[51] In response to these two perspectives of Gandhi, Bhana and Vahed argue: "Those who seek to appropriate Gandhi for political ends in post-apartheid South Africa do not help their cause much by ignoring certain facts about him; and those who simply call him a racist are equally guilty of distortion."[52]

Anti Statism

Template:Seealso Gandhi was an anti statist in the sense that his vision of India meant India without an underlying government.[53] His idea was that true self rule in a country means that every person rules himself and that there is no state which enforces laws upon the people.[54][55] On occasions he described himself as a philosophical anarchist.[56] A free India for him meant existence of thousands of self sufficient small communities (an idea possibly from Tolstoy) who rule themselves without hindering others. It did not mean merely transferring a British established administrative structure into Indian hands which he said was just making Hindustan into Englistan. He wanted to dissolve the Congress Party after independence and establish a system of direct democracy in India.

Gandhi and Sikhs

Gandhi has been reported to have called Guru Gobind Singh, the tenth Guru of the Sikhs, a 'misguided patriot,' because he said he had used violence. Gandhi has not had a good relation with many Sikhs, because of his relation to freedom-fighters like Shaheed Udham Singh, and Kartar Singh Sarabha. Sikhs have always been taught to use a sword only as a last resort, and Gandhi was unable to understand that.

Gandhi and the credit he is given

The nation of India was created in 1947, with World War II, and the many things that were taking place. Many freedom-fighters took part in the movement to get independence. As a high-caste Hindu brahmin, Gandhi was given credit as the 'father of the nation' when many people took part. This has created many criticisms of M.K Gandhi, and has given us a lot to learn about.

  1. ^ R. Gandhi, Patel: A Life, pp. 283–86.
  2. ^ R. Gandhi, Patel: A Life, p. 309.
  3. ^ R. Gandhi, Patel: A Life, p. 318.
  4. ^ R. Gandhi, Patel: A Life, p. 462.
  5. ^ R. Gandhi, Patel: A Life, pp. 464–66.
  6. ^ R. Gandhi, Patel: A Life, p. 472.
  7. ^ Vinay Lal. ‘Hey Ram’: The Politics of Gandhi’s Last Words. Humanscape 8, no. 1 (January 2001): pp. 34–38.
  8. ^ Nehru's address on Gandhi's death. Retrieved on 15 March 2007.
  9. ^ a b c d e "Gandhi's ashes to rest at sea, not in a museum" The Guardian, 16 January 2008
  10. ^ "GANDHI'S ASHES SCATTERED" The Cincinnati Post, 30 January 1997 "For reasons no one knows, a portion of the ashes was placed in a safe deposit box at a bank in Cuttack, Template:Convert southeast of New Delhi. Tushar Gandhi went to court to gain custody of the ashes after newspapers reported in 1995 that they were at the bank."
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  13. ^ {{ #if: Caplan | {{ #if: | [[{{{authorlink}}}|{{ #if: Caplan | Caplan{{ #if: Pat | , Pat }} | {{{author}}} }}]] | {{ #if: Caplan | Caplan{{ #if: Pat | , Pat }} | {{{author}}} }} }} }}{{ #if: Caplan | {{ #if: Patricia Caplan | ; Patricia Caplan }} }}{{ #if: | [{{{origdate}}}] | {{ #if: | {{ #if: | [{{{origmonth}}} {{{origyear}}}] | [{{{origyear}}}] }} }} }}{{ #if: | ({{{date}}}) | {{ #if: 1987 | {{ #if: | ({{{month}}} 1987) | (1987) }} }} }}{{ #if: Caplan | . }}{{ #if: | "{{ #if: | [{{{chapterurl}}} {{{chapter}}}] | {{{chapter}}} }}",}}{{ #if: | in {{{editor}}}: }} {{ #if: | [{{{url}}} The Cultural construction of sexuality] | The Cultural construction of sexuality }}{{ #if: | ({{{format}}}) }}{{ #if: | , {{{others}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{edition}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{series}}} }}{{ #if: | (in {{{language}}}) }}{{ #if: Routledge | {{#if: | , | . }}{{ #if: | {{{location}}}: }}Routledge }}{{ #if: 278 | , 278 }}{{ #if: | . DOI:{{{doi}}} }}{{ #if: | . {{{id}}} }}{{ #if: 0415040132 | . ISBN 0415040132 }}{{ #if: | . OCLC {{{oclc}}} }}{{ #if: | {{ #if: | . Retrieved on [[{{{accessdate}}}]] | {{ #if: | . Retrieved {{ #if: | on [[{{{accessmonth}}} {{{accessyear}}}]] | during [[{{{accessyear}}}]] }}}} }} }}.{{ #if: |  “{{{quote}}}” }} </in
  14. ^ a b {{ #if: Parekh | {{ #if: | [[{{{authorlink}}}|{{ #if: Parekh | Parekh{{ #if: Bhikhu C. | , Bhikhu C. }} | {{{author}}} }}]] | {{ #if: Parekh | Parekh{{ #if: Bhikhu C. | , Bhikhu C. }} | {{{author}}} }} }} }}{{ #if: Parekh | {{ #if: | ; {{{coauthors}}} }} }}{{ #if: | [{{{origdate}}}] | {{ #if: | {{ #if: | [{{{origmonth}}} {{{origyear}}}] | [{{{origyear}}}] }} }} }}{{ #if: | ({{{date}}}) | {{ #if: 1999 | {{ #if: | ({{{month}}} 1999) | (1999) }} }} }}{{ #if: Parekh | . }}{{ #if: | "{{ #if: | [{{{chapterurl}}} {{{chapter}}}] | {{{chapter}}} }}",}}{{ #if: | in {{{editor}}}: }} {{ #if: | [{{{url}}} Colonialism, Tradition and Reform: An Analysis of Gandhi's Political Discourse] | Colonialism, Tradition and Reform: An Analysis of Gandhi's Political Discourse }}{{ #if: | ({{{format}}}) }}{{ #if: | , {{{others}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{edition}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{series}}} }}{{ #if: | (in {{{language}}}) }}{{ #if: Sage | {{#if: | , | . }}{{ #if: | {{{location}}}: }}Sage }}{{ #if: 210 | , 210 }}{{ #if: | . DOI:{{{doi}}} }}{{ #if: | . {{{id}}} }}{{ #if: 0761993835 | . ISBN 0761993835 }}{{ #if: | . OCLC {{{oclc}}} }}{{ #if: | {{ #if: | . Retrieved on [[{{{accessdate}}}]] | {{ #if: | . Retrieved {{ #if: | on [[{{{accessmonth}}} {{{accessyear}}}]] | during [[{{{accessyear}}}]] }}}} }} }}.{{ #if: |  “{{{quote}}}” }} </in
  15. ^ {{ #if: Kumar | {{ #if: | [[{{{authorlink}}}|{{ #if: Kumar | Kumar{{ #if: Girja | , Girja }} | {{{author}}} }}]] | {{ #if: Kumar | Kumar{{ #if: Girja | , Girja }} | {{{author}}} }} }} }}{{ #if: Kumar | {{ #if: | ; {{{coauthors}}} }} }}{{ #if: | [{{{origdate}}}] | {{ #if: | {{ #if: | [{{{origmonth}}} {{{origyear}}}] | [{{{origyear}}}] }} }} }}{{ #if: | ({{{date}}}) | {{ #if: 1997 | {{ #if: | ({{{month}}} 1997) | (1997) }} }} }}{{ #if: Kumar | . }}{{ #if: | "{{ #if: | [{{{chapterurl}}} {{{chapter}}}] | {{{chapter}}} }}",}}{{ #if: | in {{{editor}}}: }} {{ #if: | [{{{url}}} The Book on Trial: Fundamentalism and Censorship in India] | The Book on Trial: Fundamentalism and Censorship in India }}{{ #if: | ({{{format}}}) }}{{ #if: | , {{{others}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{edition}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{series}}} }}{{ #if: | (in {{{language}}}) }}{{ #if: Har-Anand Publications | {{#if: | , | . }}{{ #if: | {{{location}}}: }}Har-Anand Publications }}{{ #if: 98 | , 98 }}{{ #if: | . DOI:{{{doi}}} }}{{ #if: | . {{{id}}} }}{{ #if: 8124105251 | . ISBN 8124105251 }}{{ #if: | . OCLC {{{oclc}}} }}{{ #if: | {{ #if: | . Retrieved on [[{{{accessdate}}}]] | {{ #if: | . Retrieved {{ #if: | on [[{{{accessmonth}}} {{{accessyear}}}]] | during [[{{{accessyear}}}]] }}}} }} }}.{{ #if: |  “{{{quote}}}” }} </in
  16. ^ a b c {{ #if: Tidrick | {{ #if: | [[|{{ #if: Tidrick | Tidrick{{ #if: Kathryn | , Kathryn }} | {{{author}}} }}]] | {{ #if: Tidrick | Tidrick{{ #if: Kathryn | , Kathryn }} | {{{author}}} }} }} }}{{ #if: Tidrick | {{ #if: | ; {{{coauthors}}} }} }}{{ #if: | [{{{origdate}}}] | {{ #if: | {{ #if: | [{{{origmonth}}} {{{origyear}}}] | [{{{origyear}}}] }} }} }}{{ #if: | ({{{date}}}) | {{ #if: 2007 | {{ #if: | ({{{month}}} 2007) | (2007) }} }} }}{{ #if: Tidrick | . }}{{ #if: | "{{ #if: | [{{{chapterurl}}} {{{chapter}}}] | {{{chapter}}} }}",}}{{ #if: | in {{{editor}}}: }} {{ #if: | [{{{url}}} Gandhi: A Political and Spiritual Life] | Gandhi: A Political and Spiritual Life }}{{ #if: | ({{{format}}}) }}{{ #if: | , {{{others}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{edition}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{series}}} }}{{ #if: | (in {{{language}}}) }}{{ #if: I.B.Tauris | {{#if: | , | . }}{{ #if: | {{{location}}}: }}I.B.Tauris }}{{ #if: 302–304 | , 302–304 }}{{ #if: | . DOI:{{{doi}}} }}{{ #if: | . {{{id}}} }}{{ #if: 1845111664 | . ISBN 1845111664 }}{{ #if: | . OCLC {{{oclc}}} }}{{ #if: | {{ #if: | . Retrieved on [[{{{accessdate}}}]] | {{ #if: | . Retrieved {{ #if: | on [[{{{accessmonth}}} {{{accessyear}}}]] | during [[{{{accessyear}}}]] }}}} }} }}.{{ #if: |  “{{{quote}}}” }} </in
  17. ^ {{ #if: Tidrick | {{ #if: | [[|{{ #if: Tidrick | Tidrick{{ #if: Kathryn | , Kathryn }} | {{{author}}} }}]] | {{ #if: Tidrick | Tidrick{{ #if: Kathryn | , Kathryn }} | {{{author}}} }} }} }}{{ #if: Tidrick | {{ #if: | ; {{{coauthors}}} }} }}{{ #if: | [{{{origdate}}}] | {{ #if: | {{ #if: | [{{{origmonth}}} {{{origyear}}}] | [{{{origyear}}}] }} }} }}{{ #if: | ({{{date}}}) | {{ #if: 2007 | {{ #if: | ({{{month}}} 2007) | (2007) }} }} }}{{ #if: Tidrick | . }}{{ #if: | "{{ #if: | [{{{chapterurl}}} {{{chapter}}}] | {{{chapter}}} }}",}}{{ #if: | in {{{editor}}}: }} {{ #if: | [{{{url}}} Gandhi: A Political and Spiritual Life] | Gandhi: A Political and Spiritual Life }}{{ #if: | ({{{format}}}) }}{{ #if: | , {{{others}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{edition}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{series}}} }}{{ #if: | (in {{{language}}}) }}{{ #if: I.B.Tauris | {{#if: | , | . }}{{ #if: | {{{location}}}: }}I.B.Tauris }}{{ #if: 160 | , 160 }}{{ #if: | . DOI:{{{doi}}} }}{{ #if: | . {{{id}}} }}{{ #if: 1845111664 | . ISBN 1845111664 }}{{ #if: | . OCLC {{{oclc}}} }}{{ #if: | {{ #if: | . Retrieved on [[{{{accessdate}}}]] | {{ #if: | . Retrieved {{ #if: | on [[{{{accessmonth}}} {{{accessyear}}}]] | during [[{{{accessyear}}}]] }}}} }} }}.{{ #if: |  “{{{quote}}}” }} </in
  18. ^ a b {{ #if: Wolpert | {{ #if: | [[{{{authorlink}}}|{{ #if: Wolpert | Wolpert{{ #if: Stanley | , Stanley }} | {{{author}}} }}]] | {{ #if: Wolpert | Wolpert{{ #if: Stanley | , Stanley }} | {{{author}}} }} }} }}{{ #if: Wolpert | {{ #if: | ; {{{coauthors}}} }} }}{{ #if: | [{{{origdate}}}] | {{ #if: | {{ #if: | [{{{origmonth}}} {{{origyear}}}] | [{{{origyear}}}] }} }} }}{{ #if: | ({{{date}}}) | {{ #if: 2001 | {{ #if: | ({{{month}}} 2001) | (2001) }} }} }}{{ #if: Wolpert | . }}{{ #if: | "{{ #if: | [{{{chapterurl}}} {{{chapter}}}] | {{{chapter}}} }}",}}{{ #if: | in {{{editor}}}: }} {{ #if: | [{{{url}}} Gandhi's Passion: The Life and Legacy of Mahatma Gandhi] | Gandhi's Passion: The Life and Legacy of Mahatma Gandhi }}{{ #if: | ({{{format}}}) }}{{ #if: | , {{{others}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{edition}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{series}}} }}{{ #if: | (in {{{language}}}) }}{{ #if: Oxford University Press | {{#if: | , | . }}{{ #if: | {{{location}}}: }}Oxford University Press }}{{ #if: 226–227 | , 226–227 }}{{ #if: | . DOI:{{{doi}}} }}{{ #if: | . {{{id}}} }}{{ #if: 019515634X | . ISBN 019515634X }}{{ #if: | . OCLC {{{oclc}}} }}{{ #if: | {{ #if: | . Retrieved on [[{{{accessdate}}}]] | {{ #if: | . Retrieved {{ #if: | on [[{{{accessmonth}}} {{{accessyear}}}]] | during [[{{{accessyear}}}]] }}}} }} }}.{{ #if: |  “{{{quote}}}” }} </in
  19. ^ {{ #if: Kumar | {{ #if: | [[{{{authorlink}}}|{{ #if: Kumar | Kumar{{ #if: Girja | , Girja }} | {{{author}}} }}]] | {{ #if: Kumar | Kumar{{ #if: Girja | , Girja }} | {{{author}}} }} }} }}{{ #if: Kumar | {{ #if: | ; {{{coauthors}}} }} }}{{ #if: | [{{{origdate}}}] | {{ #if: | {{ #if: | [{{{origmonth}}} {{{origyear}}}] | [{{{origyear}}}] }} }} }}{{ #if: | ({{{date}}}) | {{ #if: 1997 | {{ #if: | ({{{month}}} 1997) | (1997) }} }} }}{{ #if: Kumar | . }}{{ #if: | "{{ #if: | [{{{chapterurl}}} {{{chapter}}}] | {{{chapter}}} }}",}}{{ #if: | in {{{editor}}}: }} {{ #if: | [{{{url}}} The Book on Trial: Fundamentalism and Censorship in India] | The Book on Trial: Fundamentalism and Censorship in India }}{{ #if: | ({{{format}}}) }}{{ #if: | , {{{others}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{edition}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{series}}} }}{{ #if: | (in {{{language}}}) }}{{ #if: Har-Anand Publishers | {{#if: | , | . }}{{ #if: | {{{location}}}: }}Har-Anand Publishers }}{{ #if: 73-107 | , 73-107 }}{{ #if: | . DOI:{{{doi}}} }}{{ #if: | . {{{id}}} }}{{ #if: 8124105251 | . ISBN 8124105251 }}{{ #if: | . OCLC {{{oclc}}} }}{{ #if: | {{ #if: | . Retrieved on [[{{{accessdate}}}]] | {{ #if: | . Retrieved {{ #if: | on [[{{{accessmonth}}} {{{accessyear}}}]] | during [[{{{accessyear}}}]] }}}} }} }}.{{ #if: |  “{{{quote}}}” }} </in
  20. ^ {{ #if: Ghose | {{ #if: | [[{{{authorlink}}}|{{ #if: Ghose | Ghose{{ #if: Sankar | , Sankar }} | {{{author}}} }}]] | {{ #if: Ghose | Ghose{{ #if: Sankar | , Sankar }} | {{{author}}} }} }} }}{{ #if: Ghose | {{ #if: | ; {{{coauthors}}} }} }}{{ #if: | [{{{origdate}}}] | {{ #if: | {{ #if: | [{{{origmonth}}} {{{origyear}}}] | [{{{origyear}}}] }} }} }}{{ #if: | ({{{date}}}) | {{ #if: 1991 | {{ #if: | ({{{month}}} 1991) | (1991) }} }} }}{{ #if: Ghose | . }}{{ #if: | "{{ #if: | [{{{chapterurl}}} {{{chapter}}}] | {{{chapter}}} }}",}}{{ #if: | in {{{editor}}}: }} {{ #if: | [{{{url}}} Mahatma Gandhi] | Mahatma Gandhi }}{{ #if: | ({{{format}}}) }}{{ #if: | , {{{others}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{edition}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{series}}} }}{{ #if: | (in {{{language}}}) }}{{ #if: Allied Publishers | {{#if: | , | . }}{{ #if: | {{{location}}}: }}Allied Publishers }}{{ #if: 356 | , 356 }}{{ #if: | . DOI:{{{doi}}} }}{{ #if: | . {{{id}}} }}{{ #if: 8170232058 | . ISBN 8170232058 }}{{ #if: | . OCLC {{{oclc}}} }}{{ #if: | {{ #if: | . Retrieved on [[{{{accessdate}}}]] | {{ #if: | . Retrieved {{ #if: | on [[{{{accessmonth}}} {{{accessyear}}}]] | during [[{{{accessyear}}}]] }}}} }} }}.{{ #if: |  “{{{quote}}}” }} </in
  21. ^ Desai, Mahadev. The Gospel of Selfless Action, or, The Gita According To Gandhi. (Navajivan Publishing House: Ahmedabad: First Edition 1946). Other editions: 1948, 1951, 1956.
  22. ^ A shorter edition, omitting the bulk of Desai's additional commentary, has been published as: Anasaktiyoga: The Gospel of Selfless Action. Jim Rankin, editor. The author is listed as M.K. Gandhi; Mahadev Desai, translator. (Dry Bones Press, San Francisco, 1998) ISBN 1-883938-47-3.
  23. ^ http://www.indiatogether.org/2003/may/rvw-gndhtgore.htm Overview of debates between Gandhi and Tagore
  24. ^ reprinted in The Essential Gandhi: An Anthology of His Writings on His Life, Work, and Ideas., Louis Fischer, ed., 2002 (reprint edition) pp. 106–108.
  25. ^ reprinted in The Essential Gandhi: An Anthology of His Writings on His Life, Work, and Ideas.Louis Fischer, ed., 2002 (reprint edition) pp. 308–9.
  26. ^ Jack, Homer. The Gandhi Reader, p. 418.
  27. ^ "The life and death of Mahatma Gandhi", on BBC News, see section "Independence and partition."
  28. ^ reprinted in The Essential Gandhi: An Anthology of His Writings on His Life, Work, and Ideas., Louis Fischer, ed., 2002 (reprint edition) pp. 286-288.
  29. ^ SANET-MG Archives - September 2001 (#303)
  30. ^ Mahatama Gandhi on Bhagat Singh.
  31. ^ Gandhi — 'Mahatma' or Flawed Genius?.
  32. ^ reprinted in The Essential Gandhi: An Anthology of His Writings on His Life, Work, and Ideas., Louis Fischer, ed., 2002 (reprint edition) p. 311.
  33. ^ Jack, Homer. The Gandhi Reader, pp. 319–20.
  34. ^ a b Jack, Homer. The Gandhi Reader, p. 322.
  35. ^ Jack, Homer. The Gandhi Reader, pp. 323–4.
  36. ^ Jack, Homer The Gandhi Reader, pp. 324–6.
  37. ^ David Lewis Schaefer. What Did Gandhi Do?. National Review, 28 April 2003. Retrieved 21 March 2006; Richard Grenier. "The Gandhi Nobody Knows". Commentary Magazine. March 1983. Retrieved 21 March 2006.
  38. ^ Hertzberg, Arthur. The Zionist Idea. PA: Jewish Publications Society, 1997, pp. 463-464.; see also Gordon, Haim. "A Rejection of Spiritual Imperialism: Reflections on Buber's Letter to Gandhi." Journal of Ecumenical Studies, June 22, 1999.
  39. ^ Jack, Homer. The Gandhi Reader, Harijan, November 26, 1938, pp. 317–318.
  40. ^ Mohandas K. Gandhi. A Non-Violent Look at Conflict & Violence Published in Harijan on November 26, 1938
  41. ^ {{ #if: | {{ #if: | [[{{{authorlink}}}|{{ #if: | {{{last}}}{{ #if: | , {{{first}}} }} | {{{author}}} }}]] | {{ #if: | {{{last}}}{{ #if: | , {{{first}}} }} | {{{author}}} }} }} }}{{ #if: | {{ #if: | ; {{{coauthors}}} }} }}{{ #if: | [{{{origdate}}}] | {{ #if: | {{ #if: | [{{{origmonth}}} {{{origyear}}}] | [{{{origyear}}}] }} }} }}{{ #if: | ({{{date}}}) | {{ #if: | {{ #if: | ({{{month}}} {{{year}}}) | ({{{year}}}) }} }} }}{{ #if: | . }}{{ #if: | "{{ #if: | [{{{chapterurl}}} {{{chapter}}}] | {{{chapter}}} }}",}}{{ #if: | in {{{editor}}}: }} {{ #if: | [{{{url}}} The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi] | The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi }}{{ #if: | ({{{format}}}) }}{{ #if: | , {{{others}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{edition}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{series}}} }}{{ #if: | (in {{{language}}}) }}{{ #if: | {{#if: | , | . }}{{ #if: | {{{location}}}: }}{{{publisher}}} }}{{ #if: 183 | , 183 }}{{ #if: | . DOI:{{{doi}}} }}{{ #if: | . {{{id}}} }}{{ #if: | . ISBN {{{isbn}}} }}{{ #if: | . OCLC {{{oclc}}} }}{{ #if: | {{ #if: | . Retrieved on [[{{{accessdate}}}]] | {{ #if: | . Retrieved {{ #if: | on [[{{{accessmonth}}} {{{accessyear}}}]] | during [[{{{accessyear}}}]] }}}} }} }}.{{ #if: |  “{{{quote}}}” }} </in
  42. ^ {{ #if: | {{ #if: | [[{{{authorlink}}}|{{ #if: | {{{last}}}{{ #if: | , {{{first}}} }} | {{{author}}} }}]] | {{ #if: | {{{last}}}{{ #if: | , {{{first}}} }} | {{{author}}} }} }} }}{{ #if: | {{ #if: | ; {{{coauthors}}} }} }}{{ #if: | [{{{origdate}}}] | {{ #if: | {{ #if: | [{{{origmonth}}} {{{origyear}}}] | [{{{origyear}}}] }} }} }}{{ #if: | ({{{date}}}) | {{ #if: | {{ #if: | ({{{month}}} {{{year}}}) | ({{{year}}}) }} }} }}{{ #if: | . }}{{ #if: | "{{ #if: | [{{{chapterurl}}} {{{chapter}}}] | {{{chapter}}} }}",}}{{ #if: | in {{{editor}}}: }} {{ #if: | [{{{url}}} The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi] | The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi }}{{ #if: | ({{{format}}}) }}{{ #if: | , {{{others}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{edition}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{series}}} }}{{ #if: | (in {{{language}}}) }}{{ #if: | {{#if: | , | . }}{{ #if: | {{{location}}}: }}{{{publisher}}} }}{{ #if: 199 | , 199 }}{{ #if: | . DOI:{{{doi}}} }}{{ #if: | . {{{id}}} }}{{ #if: | . ISBN {{{isbn}}} }}{{ #if: | . OCLC {{{oclc}}} }}{{ #if: | {{ #if: | . Retrieved on [[{{{accessdate}}}]] | {{ #if: | . Retrieved {{ #if: | on [[{{{accessmonth}}} {{{accessyear}}}]] | during [[{{{accessyear}}}]] }}}} }} }}.{{ #if: |  “{{{quote}}}” }} </in
  43. ^ {{ #if: | {{ #if: | [[{{{authorlink}}}|{{ #if: | {{{last}}}{{ #if: | , {{{first}}} }} | {{{author}}} }}]] | {{ #if: | {{{last}}}{{ #if: | , {{{first}}} }} | {{{author}}} }} }} }}{{ #if: | {{ #if: | ; {{{coauthors}}} }} }}{{ #if: | [{{{origdate}}}] | {{ #if: | {{ #if: | [{{{origmonth}}} {{{origyear}}}] | [{{{origyear}}}] }} }} }}{{ #if: | ({{{date}}}) | {{ #if: | {{ #if: | ({{{month}}} {{{year}}}) | ({{{year}}}) }} }} }}{{ #if: | . }}{{ #if: | "{{ #if: | [{{{chapterurl}}} {{{chapter}}}] | {{{chapter}}} }}",}}{{ #if: | in {{{editor}}}: }} {{ #if: | [{{{url}}} The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi] | The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi }}{{ #if: | ({{{format}}}) }}{{ #if: | , {{{others}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{edition}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{series}}} }}{{ #if: | (in {{{language}}}) }}{{ #if: | {{#if: | , | . }}{{ #if: | {{{location}}}: }}{{{publisher}}} }}{{ #if: 255 | , 255 }}{{ #if: | . DOI:{{{doi}}} }}{{ #if: | . {{{id}}} }}{{ #if: | . ISBN {{{isbn}}} }}{{ #if: | . OCLC {{{oclc}}} }}{{ #if: | {{ #if: | . Retrieved on [[{{{accessdate}}}]] | {{ #if: | . Retrieved {{ #if: | on [[{{{accessmonth}}} {{{accessyear}}}]] | during [[{{{accessyear}}}]] }}}} }} }}.{{ #if: |  “{{{quote}}}” }} </in
  44. ^ {{ #if: | {{ #if: | [[{{{authorlink}}}|{{ #if: | {{{last}}}{{ #if: | , {{{first}}} }} | {{{author}}} }}]] | {{ #if: | {{{last}}}{{ #if: | , {{{first}}} }} | {{{author}}} }} }} }}{{ #if: | {{ #if: | ; {{{coauthors}}} }} }}{{ #if: | [{{{origdate}}}] | {{ #if: | {{ #if: | [{{{origmonth}}} {{{origyear}}}] | [{{{origyear}}}] }} }} }}{{ #if: | ({{{date}}}) | {{ #if: | {{ #if: | ({{{month}}} {{{year}}}) | ({{{year}}}) }} }} }}{{ #if: | . }}{{ #if: | "{{ #if: | [{{{chapterurl}}} {{{chapter}}}] | {{{chapter}}} }}",}}{{ #if: | in {{{editor}}}: }} {{ #if: | [{{{url}}} The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi] | The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi }}{{ #if: | ({{{format}}}) }}{{ #if: | , {{{others}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{edition}}} }}{{ #if: | , {{{series}}} }}{{ #if: | (in {{{language}}}) }}{{ #if: | {{#if: | , | . }}{{ #if: | {{{location}}}: }}{{{publisher}}} }}{{ #if: 74 | , 74 }}{{ #if: | . DOI:{{{doi}}} }}{{ #if: | . {{{id}}} }}{{ #if: | . ISBN {{{isbn}}} }}{{ #if: | . OCLC {{{oclc}}} }}{{ #if: | {{ #if: | . Retrieved on [[{{{accessdate}}}]] | {{ #if: | . Retrieved {{ #if: | on [[{{{accessmonth}}} {{{accessyear}}}]] | during [[{{{accessyear}}}]] }}}} }} }}.{{ #if: |  “{{{quote}}}” }} </in
  45. ^ a b Rory Carroll, "Gandhi branded racist as Johannesburg honours freedom fighter", The Guardian, October 17, 2003.
  46. ^ The Making of a Political Reformer: Gandhi in South Africa, 1893–1914
  47. ^ The Making of a Political Reformer: Gandhi in South Africa, 1893–1914. Surendra Bhana and Goolam Vahed, 2005: p.44
  48. ^ The Making of a Political Reformer: Gandhi in South Africa, 1893–1914. Surendra Bhana and Goolam Vahed, 2005: p.45
  49. ^ Cite error Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Mandela-2000; $2
  50. ^ The Making of a Political Reformer: Gandhi in South Africa, 1893–1914. Surendra Bhana and Goolam Vahed, 2005: p.149
  51. ^ The Making of a Political Reformer: Gandhi in South Africa, 1893–1914. Surendra Bhana and Goolam Vahed, 2005: pp.150–1
  52. ^ The Making of a Political Reformer: Gandhi in South Africa, 1893–1914. Surendra Bhana and Goolam Vahed, 2005: p.151
  53. ^ Jesudasan, Ignatius. A Gandhian theology of liberation. Gujarat Sahitya Prakash: Ananda India, 1987, pp 236–237
  54. ^ Murthy, Srinivas.Mahatma Gandhi and Leo Tolstoy Letters. Long Beach Publications: Long Beach, 1987, pp 13
  55. ^ Murthy, Srinivas.Mahatma Gandhi and Leo Tolstoy Letters. Long Beach Publications: Long Beach, 1987, pp 189.
  56. ^ Articles on and by Gandhi, Retrieved on June 7, 2008.
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