Authority in the Sikh diaspora

Authority in the Sikh diaspora

Sikhs began to emigrate overseas in the late 19th century and early 20th century. Wherever they went they established their gurdwaras for religious and social purposes. Mainly they migrated to countries within the British empire, i.e. Canada, Australia, East Africa and the U.K. An overwhelming majority of the pioneer Sikh migrants belonged to the Jat Sikh caste group (agriculturists). The dominant group of Sikh migrants to East Africa however were skilled craftsmen popularly known as Ramgarhias (carpenters, blacksmiths and bricklayers). The organisational structure of their gurdwaras is based on the British model of organising social and welfare associations. All gurdwaras have duly approved constitutions for electing the management committee. These gurdwaras are totally independent from outside interference; they are controlled by the local sangats (congregations) through their elected representatives.

Although most pioneer Sikh migrants removed their outward symbols in order to gain employment and avoid racial discrimination, their commitment to the Sikh tradition was undiminished. This is evident from their dedication in establishing gurdwaras. In Canada, many Sikh migrants used to go to the gurdwaras without covering their heads, as in the churches (Bains and Johnston, 1995). In the 1950's and 60's a large number of Sikhs from the Punjab migrated to Canada. They were mainly kesdhari (with outward symbols) Sikhs, who strongly questioned the behaviour of pioneer Sikh migrants. There has been a number of serious disputes between the mona (clean-shaven) and kesdhari Sikhs concerning the control of earlier gurdwaras, in most cases both parties going to the courts for adjudication.

Although the institution of sangat is highly respected in Sikhism, in practice it has no real authority. Moreover, it is a very vague structural entity. Who constitutes the sangat is most problematic to define. During the normal congregation, everyone present is supposed to be part and parcel of the sangat and theoretically empowered to take any decisions. In practice, they do not have any such authority. All gurdwaras in the UK and Canada, like other community-based gurdwaras, are managed by committees which are elected annually by the approved membership according to the constitution. Different factions of Sikhs make every effort to control the gurdwaras through these annual elections. In the case of disagreement, use of physical force is frequently employed; the local police are invited to intervene in the fights and disputes are taken to the courts. Usually, such disputes and fights take place in the main congregation hall where the Guru Granth Sahib is installed. It may be argued that the real authority lies in the capacity of a faction to muster large number of voters at the annual elections and the backing of a hard core of supporters.

In the 1970s a new strategy was evolved by the kesdhari Sikhs to gain control of the gurdwaras. For example, the original constitutions did not make any distinction between amritdhari (ritually initiated), kesdhari and mona Sikhs; all were eligible to become members of the management committee. Firstly, the constitutions were amended to exclude mona Sikhs from holding important positions on the management committee. At present, most constitutions in UK explicitly state that only amritdhari Sikhs are eligible for membership of the management committee. Ironically, mona (clean-shaven) Sikhs are eligible to become members and exercise their right of vote for amritdhari and kesdhari candidates.

In certain cases, when it became difficult to hold annual elections due to the danger of physical violence amongst various factions, the board of trustees adopted another novel method, called parchian paa lao (election by picking slips, like a raffle). Interested candidates were asked for nominations; a parchi (slip) was prepared with the candidate's name and put in a box which was placed in front of the Guru Granth Sahib. A child was invited to draw slips corresponding to the number of candidates eligible for the management committee. In this case, it is rather problematic to identify the source of authority. No wonder a losing faction would challenge the election and the situation remain confused and unresolved.

At present a number of Sant-orientated gurdwaras have emerged in Britain; they are managed by the trusted followers of the Sants who are the de facto heads of these institutions. For example, Sant Puran Singh Karichowaley came from East Africa and established a number of gurdwaras popularly known as Guru Nanak Nishkam Sewak Jatha Gurdwaras. These gurdwaras are managed by the appointees of the Sant. Before his death in June 1993, Sant Puran Singh nominated his successor. His funeral was attended by more than ten thousand people who walked behind his body which was carried in an open carriage. The funeral procession was led by panj-pyarey in their traditional dress; they carried nishan sahib (Sikh flags) in their hands. The ritual of carrying nishan sahib is particularly observed when the Guru Granth Sahib is taken out in a procession at the time of gurpurbs (anniversaries of Sikh Gurus). The sociological significance of the role of panj-pyarey in the funeral procession of Sant Puran Singh highlights the significance of the status of Sants in Sikhism.

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Article by

Dr. Sewa Singh Kalsi Dept. of Theology and Religious Studies University of Leeds Leeds LS2 9JT UK